On Afro-American Nationhood


Because there is apparently presently a question of which position some Marxist-Leninists in the process of organisational construction should take on the question of Afro-American/New Afrikan nationhood, and I take the position, in common with the US ICOR affiliate ROL, as well as the FRSO, that there is such a national question and it is a dividing line between us and the revisionists who we approach this question when organising, what follows is a brief review of Stalin’s criteria for nationhood in “Marxism and the National Question”, how I feel they do correctly apply to the Afro-American people, as well as some notes on what I feel are the shortcomings even of many self-described Marxist-Leninists in the United States who agree, on paper, that Afro-Americans are a nation, collective victims of national oppression, and best organised on the basis of national liberation in the first instance.

“A nation is primarily a community, a definite community of people.”

Nobody except the most committed opponents of defining humans as members of social groups will deny that Afro-Americans represent a definite “community” of some sort. I will therefore continue directly to:

“a nation is not a racial or tribal, but a historically constituted community of people.”

I mention this because some people have assumed the Black Belt Nation hypothesis rests on skin colour alone. I assume most Marxist-Leninist readers know this is not the case, but I will nonetheless emphasise that the historical constitution of the Afro-American nation and people has to do with the culture formed around the descendents of slaves in the US south, who happen to be on average of significantly higher Sub-Saharan African ancestry than the rest of the population of the United States, but this fact, and the resultant intense racism in the United States, does not make the Afro-American nation more a “race nation” than any other, as victims of national oppression and chauvinism in every country are subjected to insane racist theories by the oppressor nation, whose exploiter classes emphasise pseudo-scientific essentialism based on purported genetic differences as a means of creating a visceral hatred of the oppressed nation, thus dividing the toiling masses of various nations.

“a nation is not a casual or ephemeral conglomeration, but a stable community of people.”

Here we begin to reach points of controversy, as dialectics teaches us that things are always changing and always in motion, and thus no social construction is completely stable. Indeed, as Stalin goes on to say:

“It goes without saying that a nation, like every historical phenomenon, is subject to the law of change, has its history, its beginning and end.”

The Afro-American national formation began at the very earliest with the failure of reconstruction after the US Civil War, and has roots which go before this important historical moment. Whatever the twists and turns in cultural development, it is generally agreed that Afro-Americans have a distinctive culture, which is stable in terms of the population still roughly constituting the descendants of slaves from the US south, as well as those elements which have been assimilated to that culture through marriage and cohabitation, resulting in acceptance by the community itself.

“a common language is one of the characteristic features of a nation.”

As everyone who comes to the US notices almost immediately, Afro-Americans generally speak a very distinctive variety of English, both in their homeland and in exile.

a common territory is one of the characteristic features of a nation.”

As is known, Marxist-Leninists defending the national character of Afro-Americans hold that the Black Belt South is the historical common territory of this nation, and that those Afro-Americans living outside of it are victims of exile imposed by a reign of KKK terror (tacitly supported by the political elite of the south associated with the aristocracy which historically owned the Afro-American people as slaves).

“an internal economic bond to weld the various parts of the nation into a single whole.”

What’s very interesting about the economic basis of any nation, and the administrative necessities it present to the bourgeois state of the oppressor nation when dealing with the territory of an oppressed nation, is that we can find evidence for it with a critical reading of the state’s own documents, even when the state does everything possible to claim national unity between oppressor and oppressed.

While the state does not formally recognise Afro-Americans as a nation as they do for indigenous nations such as the Navajo, it is to be noted that the Black Belt is economically distinct as a geographical location in terms of the US state’s own economic considerations.

More to the point, as Marxists, we all know that this region, which roughly corresponds to the slave-dominated regions of the early US, was distinguished primarily by the economic relationship between the white landed aristocracy and the African slaves and their descendants. We can only explain the failure of reconstruction with reference to this economic reality, and we can further only explain the subordinate place of the Afro-American masses (inside and outside of that territory) with reference to this distinct economic formation compared to the North of the United States. The KKK reign of terror, the betrayal of the left of the Republican Party, the Great Migration, almost every significant point in the history of the Afro-American people in the south is explainable by their status as the descendants of slaves. The political landscape of the south was accordingly shaped by the struggle of the ruling elite to suppress Afro-American civil rights (to this day), predicated primarily on an economic balance of power which, while based fundamentally on the struggle between impoverished slave descendants on the one hand and the descendants of the slave-owning aristocracy on the other, has also shaped the social dynamics of proletarian whites and bourgoies Afro-Americans in the south as well. As Afro-Americans were driven to the north by KKK terror (with the tacit support of the state), many of these dynamics were replicated in the north, but it is worth noting that despite the mutual penetration of the social and economic realities of north and south, the two are still economically and socially distinct, in the minds of local whites and Afro-Americans, principally with reference to this history!

Granted, considering a common economic life, economic cohesion […] one of the characteristic features of a nation”, we have to be clear that a large chunk of the Afro-American people in the United States presently live outside of their historical homeland. What success has been seen from the reverse migration has not yet nullified the initial exodus. But it is widely acknowledged that Afro-Americans inside and outside the Black Belt are subject to a tiered economic existence, whether as a weaker national bourgeoisie relative to the oppressor nation bourgeoisie, or as a super-exploited section of the labour pool of US citizens. The greater significance of this pattern within their historical homeland, which itself constitutes a distinct economic reality for that region, is well known.

Finally, we come to the issue of “a common psychological make-up, which manifests itself in a common culture, is one of the characteristic features of a nation”. Acknowledging the distinctive culture of Afro-Americans is something that more or less everyone is willing to do, but the psychology of Afro-Americans is worth emphasising here: there is a strong conception of a distinct Afro-American history, with Afro-American leaders, a memory of expulsion from the Black Belt, the geographical source of “down home” culture, and indeed, most Afro-Americans, except those most enamoured with the leadership of the imperialist US and their politico-cultural dictats, will almost invariably refer to the Afro-American people when referring to “our people” and “us”.

Are Afro-Americans a nation, and so what if they are?

I think as the above text has made clear, I believe the idea that Afro-Americans are an oppressed nation is fairly easy to demonstrate. However, formal commitment to this categorisation of this particular social conflict in the United States is far from my goal. The Party for Socialism and Liberation and Worker’s World Party will both formally commit to this description of Afro-Americans, but downplay the question of national liberation as a specific struggle with a geographic basis in favour of using the idea of “nation” as a stand-in for what is in fact a rather garden-variety anti-racism of the type many Trotskyite groups could (and do) embrace. The national question is employed as a recruiting method to assure non-white recruits that their problems will be solved in socialism. The RCP can make the same claims, as can the various “MLM”s who reject the cult of Bob Avakian; but without concrete, material commitment to aiding the raising up of the struggle for the immediate liberation of the Afro-American people, these declarations are of no consequence.

The only thing that should matter to us, as Marxist-Leninists, and to the Afro-American people, as an oppressed people, is what we are doing right now to actually aid in their liberation, to put them in control of their own lives and destinies, and to bring low their oppressors and exploiters. And “there won’t be racism after our party launches the revolution”, or “we’ll count you as a nation if we come to power” are not good enough. They are equally abstract and meaningless from a concrete perspective regardless of the difference in tone with regard to the specific formal idealist commitment to describing the source of Afro-American oppression and exploitation today (“racism” or “national oppression).

If organisations that are being formed or built are debating whether or not to include in their points of unity that Afro-Americans are a nation, and that they have a national territory, and it is the land on which they were slaves and which is still ruled by their ancestors’ slavemasters’ descendants, I would tell them that they should do this. But whether or not groups do this, my question is: what are you practically doing to unite in struggle and struggle in unity with the Afro-American left which already exists, primarily in the south, where it has a long history? Failure to acknowledge Afro-Americans as a nation is no reason not to work with groups like the NAPO, MXGM, etc. Projects like Cooperation Jackson are progressive even if Afro-Americans are not a nation, just as the Green Party can run good campaigns even if their theoretical approach is totally eclectic.

If your reason for not following and supporting the quite advanced struggle (relative to almost all other struggles self-described Marxists in the United States are engaged in) of Afro-American revolutionaries active within groups like Cooperation Jackson (and while I encourage all individuals to financially support this organisation’s work, as organisations one should go even further, rendering whatever practical solidarity one is able) is that “Afro-Americans are not a nation”, my objection wouldn’t be so much the theoretical difference between us on this question, but rather a chauvinistic attitude towards Afro-Americans (if one would render active solidarity to similar struggles carried out without red, black, and green flags) or ultra-leftism and sectarianism (if one simply opposes all practical solidarity with other groups).

But, if one were to investigate the historical, economic, and social conditions underlying the relative success of groups like Cooperation Jackson, it is also my personal belief that one would come to agree a formation that we would call “nation” stands at the heart of it.

The National Question and Actually Existing Socialism

As the English-speaking world in general lacks a strong anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist trend, discussions of the Soviet Union and other actually existing socialist states tend to be vulgarised into two main trends, one of uncritical defence and the other of “uncritical criticism”. I presume those actually reading this already understand the dangers of the latter trend: if we assume the Trotskyite position that more or less the entire history of 20th century socialism can be summed up as a counter-revolutionary trend of “Stalinism”, we are left with the assumption that “real revolutionaries”… never actually take part in revolutions. If Marxism cannot actually produce a blueprint (no matter how flawed) for actual revolution*, then it makes more sense to choose (as many leftists do) to abandon Marxism entirely.

The other trend assumes that the revolutions carried out in the Russian Empire, Cuba, China, Albania, etc. were positive, and is problematic for a totally separate reason. It is cultish and unscientific to be unable to provide some sort of explanation for what went wrong. The usual explanation, that the imperialist powers spared no effort to destroy these states, is itself useless: this fact was known from the beginning, and Lenin was firm in opposing such a simplistic outline for international struggle as “know that the imperialists are your enemies”. He would not have advocated a fiercer ideological, political, and cultural struggle AFTER the revolution if the internal problems of the new socialist state were irrelevant, paling in comparison to the question of defence from imperialist powers (a logic which is manifested concretely in the “military first” policy of the DPRK revisionists).

The source of this mistaken approach to struggle is in an undialectical approach to the socialist state as a stage or process in history: proponents of this worldview tend to understand the socialist state as a completely liberated zone, liberated not only from the direct control of imperialist finance capital, but liberated from all internal contradictions inherited from thousands of years of human history:

The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living.
–Karl Marx

One such contradiction, that I am particularly concerned with, is the national question. This is not to downplay the importance of other contradictions (such as those between rural and urban populations, intellectuals and the rest of the society, the different levels of the party, the party and the non-party masses, contradictions of gender, etc.), but simply to emphasise a contradiction which finds itself in the centre of discussion even today, from China to Syria to the United Kingdom.

The source of national contradictions

“Nations” as we know them are a product of capitalist modernity. In pre-capitalist society, most of the features we associate with nationhood today did not have the same character they have now. The movement of “nationalism” and “nation-states” co-occurs with the penetration of capitalism into a region, because the populations in these regions suddenly find that their market had grown, and with it, forms of communication changed and expanded.

To give a concrete example, the Basques had long been differentiated within the Spanish state by their language and culture, but for most Basques up until a certain stage of historical development, these features of their culture had not been under any threat. Indeed, it is frequently observed that the Basques were relatively priveleged within Spain up until a certain point, speaking their own language among themselves and learning Spanish as a trade language which they used very much to their advantage, much as the Dutch relate to the English-speaking world today, with the side fact that they shared nominal fealty to the same monarch as the Spanish-speakers who, quite frankly, they looked down on.

But as capitalism became more and more the dominant mode of production within the Spanish state, mass communication became more and more a feature of everyday life, and an official language ideology took shape that went beyond mere concerns about a “Lingua Franca”. The growing Spanish bourgeoisie began to conceive of its territory as an economic and social unit, to which groups like the Basques posed a problem: the Spanish bourgeoisie began to understand the link between social and economic belonging, and the existence of minority social relations became particularly inefficient. The Basque bourgeoisie likewise grew conscious of this trend, and the Basque nationalist movement began to take shape.

For the proletariats of these societies, they found themselves increasingly hostage to the economic demands of capitalist modernity, which as a more “efficient” form of class society also represented a more efficient form of exploitation. The general trend of human society began to tear them from their villages, cast them into degraded wage labour, and they became increasingly aware of their lack of control of their own lives. Worse still, the Spanish state’s demands (increasingly authoritarian as the 20th century continued) included that they give up their own language, which the Basque bourgeoisie sought to protect (for selfish reasons rather than out of concern for the average Basque worker, obviously). Inside these national formations, class contradictions also grew sharper, and from this we begin to see the emergence of a Basque nationalist “left”, which rather than being concerned with Basque identity for the sake of the maximal exploiting power of the Basque bourgeoisie, was concerned with the Basque people at large, and in solidarity with other peoples facing similar conditions.

Lenin and Stalin’s answer to the national question

The multi-national Russian Empire was no exception to this international trend. Lenin’s Bolshevik party made an effort to form local communist organisations, who worked tactically with various national elements against the Tsarist autocracy. Stalin himself was one of the first leading militants of the Baku Bolsheviks and a personal friend of Mehmet Emin Resulzade, the bourgeois Azerbaijani nationalist who worked with the Bolsheviks not only past the February Revolution, but years after the October Revolution, until he finally came into such sharp conflict with the Bolsheviks that he exiled.

Under Lenin’s leadership, local communist parties were formed for each of the republics, in which local language was emphasised and local culture given a new lease on life, being raised to a higher stage of development by progressive elements living in each of the republics. Small minority groups within these republics were given education in their own languages, many of which were converted into systematic written languages for the first time by the communist leadership.

It was Lenin’s position that one must err on the side of support for the peoples of smaller, poorer. weaker nations against larger, hegemonic nations because, in practice, the larger and more powerful nations have achieved such great privilege in practice. It must here be emphasised that in contrast to today’s revisionists, Lenin and Stalin understood the “nation” as a community of people, with, yes, an associated country. But revisionists have so totally accepted the bourgeois logic of nation-statism that they do not actually consider populations and classes when analysing international relations, but only the nominal leadership of the state. Even where Comrade Stalin warns against the dangers of dealing with minority nationalities in terms of uniting with their reactionary bourgeois elements on the grounds that they are “national”, he emphasises the right to their own language of the masses of such groups that are minorities in a larger geographic unit, and the right of such peoples to even maintain reactionary cultural traditions (though encouraging communists to agitate against these, Stalin was quite firm against the idea of a quasi-colonialist approach of having a larger nation impose its own cultural ideas on minorities by force).

The Stalin era involved, of course, errors on this and other issues. But it is extremely important to emphasise, at least in public and towards Brezhnevite, Titoite, Khrushchevite, Trotskyite, etc. trends that Stalin, compared to almost every other old Bolshevik, was extremely close to Lenin in his commitment to upholding a correct line on the national question within an actually existing socialist society (in addition to the rich legacy of anti-revisionist Marxism-Leninism in fighting for national liberation of oppressed people around the world). It was Stalin who emphasised the importance of full national equality within the Soviet Union, including the right to secession, culminating in the particular question of how to deal with the United Nations, wherein the Stalin era produced the conclusion that the various national republics of the Soviet Union had a right to separate UN membership. As a result, despite the heavy toll of the post-Stalin era, the Soviet Union maintained its fundamentally federal character until the bitter end.


Over the course of the history of the Soviet Union, the revisionists embraced more and more old modes of production, domination, etc. which had never really left the society so much as they had been held down momentarily by the initial construction of a dictatorship of the proletariat. Together with this came more and more problems of how to divide the world, or the so-called “socialist world” (although this character was increasingly lost over the course of various internal and external losses), much as this problem presented itself in capitalist society. Thus, despite the association in the English world of the phrase “state capitalism” with Trotskyist trends, I maintain, alongside Hoxha and Mao, that there is some accuracy to the application of this theoretical label to the Soviet Union (as there was in Yugoslavia even earlier). Indeed, we should not balk at the label itself, as Lenin understood it as an appropriate label for the Soviet Union’s transition from its tsar-era economic existence into the post-October era. Lenin understood that capitalism is not “abolished” in one fell swoop, but “withers away”. So long as capitalism was the dominant world system, it was likely that this process of withering might be reversed, as it was under Khrushchev (and indeed, this was Khrushchev’s real economic sin: not establishing something which bore resemblance to capitalism in the Soviet Union, which was inevitable to some extent, but in encouraging more and more division of labour, etc. as some manifestation of “higher” socialism!).

Over the course of the post-Stalin era, this reversal culminated in the conversion of the Soviet Union from within into something very akin to a capitalist society, with its own mass unemployment and a bureaucracy which acted as a neo-capitalist class. The treasonous bureaucracy had no interest in linguistic, cultural, economic, or political equality within the Soviet Union, or in sovereignty of “foreign” nations (consider Brezhnev’s doctrine of “limited sovereignty”), because it had become a new imperialist power.

Mao and Stalin

We must avoid economic detemrinism, however. Capitalism’s ideological hold on most of human society is in fact stronger than any economic “benefits” (which most of us do not experience ourselves at any rate), and at any rate, it has produced contradictions which, while born of and beneficial to class society and the profit motive, have now some degree of autonomy in our social belonging, including but not limited to our understanding of national divisions. It would be too easy to claim that Khrushchev and company became “greedy” and so they reproduced capitalism for short term gains for themselves (this was likely a factor, and it should be emphasised in so far as bourgeois ideologues blame the “greedy” nature of humanity for capitalist restoration, and we should retort that it was not the greed of the majority, but of a privileged minority who should be held down). Rather, features of capitalist modernity have become almost autonomised in our minds to the point they seem natural and may be reproduced due to lack of emphasis on the contradicitons outside of the immediate class implications.

A fine example of this can be found in Mao’s complaints about Stalin’s “mistakes” towards China. While there are doubltess errors into which Stalin fell with regard to China, Mao was known to demand the “return” of (Outer) Mongolia to “China”. Mao had nothing to gain personally in terms of material life by this demand, it followed from a petty bourgeois national pride that many Han Chinese felt. The problem goes further, to Chinese dealings with Vietnam, and minorities within China. Indeed, the question may be asked why China is not divided into multiple republics as the Soviet Union was? Mao also theoretically defended the right of minorities (not their republics, which didn’t exist, since all of China was one “people’s republic”, a dangerous precedent indeed) to secede from the PRC, but the lack of practical steps towards meaningful autonomy in the sphere of politics (as Stalin took) made it easier for Mao’s successors to erode what autonomy did exist.

The lack of any reckoning with this history and the weakness of the “anti-revisionist” answer (socialist Albania) to the Cultural Revolution, the Three Worlds Theory, and all that that entailed has allowed an even worse revisionism than the original Khrushchevite revisionism to flourish under the guise of “real” (“anti-revisionist”!) Marxism-Leninism in imperialist countries in particular. Thus there exists a sort of received knowledge about the 20th century experience that privileges the “theories” on the national question espoused by the Kims, Mao, or Brezhnev over those of Lenin and Stalin (who, whatever their errors, understood nations in terms of populations living in geographies over a historical process, and not pre-determined, “racial” units with near mystical relationships to state and territory), and it becomes almost normal to hear people claim “Tibet is China” without ever having the question of whether Han Chinese and Tibetans are different groups in material fact cross their minds.

Rojava and our struggle

It is one thing to consider all this as an easy explanation for why we have to hear about a “Syrian nation” (that neither the Kurdish people nor the Syrian regime accepts exists) that the Kurds are “dividing” and thus hurting the “socialism” (!!!) in Syria. We all understand that these people don’t care about the right to self-determination, have done no research into the region, or even into the positions of armed Arab communists on the ground.

The few people who read this already accept that Rojava’s struggle is progressive both for the Kurdish people and for its role as a revolutionary base manifesting revolutionary ideals in practice that we can carry forward. But we must not rest on our laurels of having outsmarted a few Three Worlds Theorists on this one news item, likely due to our own connections to Turkey, Kurdistan, or the Turkish or Kurdish peoples.

The point is that this particular case of understanding national dynamics as having a… well… dynamic character has a universal basis with its own particular realisations in various other countries. If the CPGB-ML is wrong that the Welsh are not a nation, it has implications. A Welsh bourgeoisie will not share with an English bourgeoisie, and vice-versa. This implies a space for our intervention now under the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie: the Welsh bourgeoisie (and in particular the Welsh petty bourgeoisie) can have some progressive role so long as the English bourgeoisie controls the Welsh market.

Conversely, if bourgeois ideology means inequality among the nations by virtue of the goal of exploitation, the fight against exploitation must assume we would abandon the idea of inequality. The claims of some sort of “natural” Welsh “need” for English are in fact predicated upon English bourgeois domination of Wales. Thus, the claims that Welsh “nationalism” (or Welsh national consciousness and rights, which are in many cases mis-labelled as “nationalism” in spite of the fact that many non-nationalist Welsh naturally support them in spite of other ideological and practical commitments) are a bourgeois distraction miss the point that the current status quo in Wales is itself a natural byproduct of English bourgeois domination of Wales.

Consider then, if these instincts, motives, and processes are still relatively undissected and uninvestigated in British society after its various attempts at federalisation, how much more undissected they were in China and the Russian Empire even among most revolutionaries prior to the revolution. Consider how much less uninvestigated they are in Syria which has never experienced socialist revolution. And if even after having such a world historical revolutionary force as the Bolshevik Party seize power in the Soviet Union, these contradictions were able to reproduce themselves in so many ways that socialism was, in part, destroyed by them, how much can we say those who brush aside these questions in the UK today are planning for victory in any meaningful sense?

The same, of course, applies to the US, Turkey, India, Russia today, etc.

*I leave aside the Trotskyite attempts to claim the October Revolution as the one “pure” revolution, as this is a worthy subject of discussion in its own right.

Lumumba’s campaign an opportunity for the left in the South

The Forge

By Muhsin Yorulmaz

On May 2nd, the people of Jackson, Mississippi will vote in the primaries for the mayoral candidate for their city.

Thanks to the duopoly system – to which people in the US are so accustomed as to often forget it is there – it is already expected that whoever wins the Democratic primary will be elected mayor. The majority Afro-American voter population will almost certainly vote against the Republican party’s candidate, and third party candidates are effectively excluded from discourse in all but the most exceptional circumstances.

One of these candidates, Chokwe Antar Lumumba, stands out because of his unusual background. Lumumba’s father, also named Chokwe Lumumba, could be characterized as a sort of Black nationalist carpetbagger, who moved to Jackson, Mississippi to organize the population around the slogan of “free the land”, a reference to reparations in the form of land understand through a lens…

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Between Westminster and Edinburgh: Whither the Scottish Proletariat?

A declaration on the prospects and limitations of Scottish secession from the UK by Red Century:

Red Century


As the SNP calls for another referendum on Scottish Independence, the entire island of Britain is experiencing a collective flashback to the media circus of the first: Scottish elements excitedly plot a glorious new Scottish future, while Westminster repeats its fevered pleas for “British” unity, a unity built by imperialist collaboration and conquest.

It is an almost emotional position for those of us dedicated to the destruction of the imperialist Westminster State that Scotland should secede. What’s more, there is good theoretical basis for this position: Scotland as an “independent” state would not have the economic power abroad which Westminster has, and which is the basis of the latter’s status as an imperialist power. Like the South of Ireland, an “independent” Scotland would be a type of dependent country, not so dominated by foreign capital as semi-colonial countries such as the North of Ireland, but unable to play a significant…

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I went to Atlanta recently for a conference, which was not altogether successful for me in an academic sense. I’m not as successful as I might be in academia, I’m told by some US colleagues, because I put all my energy into politics. My invariable response is that by the standards of what needs to be done in the current context, I don’t put enough effort into politics.

I wasn’t sure exactly what I expected from Atlanta. I was told by white people in the north to expect it to be very racist, whereas I was expecting it to have a very “New Afrikan” character.

In either case, I spent a lot of time in very white or mixed areas, and did not sense a huge difference to the north. I was hosted by a relative of a friend from Scotland, who responded to this impression by saying “Don’t be fooled, mate. If you had more time here, I could show you, this is Apartheid South Africa”.

Segregation in Atlanta is noticeable, although in central areas it does not feel altogether different to the segregation in the north of the US. I was assured that if I were to return and go further north or south from the central areas of Atlanta, I would see just how bad it gets. I had been protected from the real Georgia, I was told. If I were to take a short trip beyond, I would see. Atlanta is not representative, Atlanta is not really the Deep South.

Upon returning, I saw the film “I Am Not Your Negro”, about James Baldwin, in which Baldwin claimed that there was no difference for Afro-Americans between the north and south of the US. In vulgar economic, cultural, legal, and historical terms, this is plainly false, and it is that difference which underlies the largest, most strategically important, and least recognised national question in the US (where leftists rarely mention national questions, unfortunately).

However, I don’t think Baldwin, wherever I disagreed with his assessment of the US’s present and potential future, would have claimed they were the same because none of those differences matter at all; I suppose what he meant is that capitalist centres where various (national) communities inevitably meet are the same in terms of their dynamics, and the intolerance of “white people” (the oppressor Yankee nation) does not stem from the laws in the south, but the laws in the south came about because of the dynamics between the oppressor and oppressed nations there.

In short, if Massachusetts were as full of Afro-Americans as Georgia, Boston might maintain some of its cosmopolitan charm (itself constantly tested by oppressor nation chauvinism), but the KKK would “have to” emerge in comparable numbers there.

While I was obviously happy to be spared any encounters with KKK culture, Atlanta disappointed me by not having a very “local” culture in any sense, again owing largely to where I spent most of my time, within an academic and petty bourgeois milieu, in areas with less Afro-Americans, but enough new transplants (not only white, but Asian, etc.) to give it an apparent social structure similar to those cities in the heart of Yankeedom.

As I said, when others tell me I don’t spend enough time developing my academic career, I regret not spending more time on political work, research, and connections. I wish that I could’ve spent some time venturing into the southern environs of Atlanta to bear witness to my host’s observations. I have taken a small number of road trips in the US with other people’s cars, all firmly within “Yankee” territory. Having recently procured a car of my own, I do intend to go on “fact-finding missions” in North American regions with a “local” character so as to be better versed in the local national questions.

As long as I’m here, I have to figure out how to help out the movement here, and to do this, I need to spend more time outside of academia’s preferred geographies.

Red Century is Born

I am extremely proud to announce the launch of Red Century, a new Marxist-Leninist publication for Britain, which in its own words has chosen today to launch because:

Today is a uniquely important International Working Women’s Day: It is the 100th anniversary of the February Revolution, which began with Russian women striking against the imperialist war the Tsarist state was imposing on the peoples of the Russian Empire. This democratic revolution marked the beginning of the revolutionary process that was to culminate in the October Revolution, the world-shaking moment which still inspires millions around the world today.

Sie war eine von uns.

Today is the anniversary of Comrade Ivana Hoffmann, internationalist hero and communist fighter who laid down her young life for the liberation of the Kurdish people in Rojava, the defeat of ISIS, and her Marxist-Leninist ideals.

Ivana’s martyrdom affected so many of us in so many ways. I remember first seeing her, with a mask round her face, in a video explaining why she had come to Kobanê in German, and seeing her dark hands and thinking how she was clearly different to the traditional German volunteers for Turkish revolutionary organisations.

Following her martyrdom, we learned just how different she was, from her mixed family background, to her LGBT identity, to her young age and deep dedication to the cause noted by her comrades and those who knew her.

Every nationally conscious Kurd I speak to knows her story by now. She is hailed as a hero by the Kurdish people, in spite of how very different she is. I have written a piece for English speakers on her significance which will emerge very soon. I can think of very little more to say that I didn’t say there, but I will say:

History is full of coincidences. It is an amazing coincidence that this brave young woman who inspired all of us would fall the day before International Working Women’s Day, fighting in the women’s battalions of the YPJ for a new February Revolution, when the original February Revolution was started by a women’s strike for International Working Women’s Day.

As we reach conditions close to a Third World War, we can only hope that new Februaries are close indeed. This is what Ivana Hoffmann fought for, and we must pick up her struggle.

Tomorrow, the fruit of a great deal of unity-struggle in Britain by followers of Ivana will be realised in the form of a new publication. Her struggle continues, and we must unite women, workers, and all the oppressed against the dark forces of fascism that cast a shadow from Syria to the United States.

Martyrs in this struggle don’t die, they live on in our every word.

Ivana Hoffmann lives on!